Historie Podcasts

Fjorten point

Fjorten point

Præsident Woodrow Wilsons Fourteen Points-tale var en tale før et fælles kongresmøde den 8. januar 1918, hvor Wilson skitserede sin vision om en stabil og langvarig fred i Europa, Amerika og resten af ​​verden efter 1. verdenskrig

Wilsons forslag opfordrede de sejrrige allierede til at fastsætte uselviske fredsvilkår med de overvundne centralmagter fra første verdenskrig, herunder havets frihed, restaurering af territorier, der erobret under krigen og retten til national selvbestemmelse i så kontroversielle regioner som Balkan.

Ødelæggelsen og blodbadet under Første Verdenskrig illustrerede grimt for Wilson det uundgåelige forhold mellem international stabilitet og amerikansk national sikkerhed.

Samtidig søgte han at berolige amerikanske isolationister ved at sige, at verden skal “gøres i form og sikker at leve i; og især at det skal gøres sikkert for enhver fredselskende nation, der ligesom vores eget ønsker at leve sit eget liv, bestemme sine egne institutioner, være sikret retfærdighed og fair handel af de andre folk i verden i modsætning til magt og egoistisk aggression."

Hvad var de fjorten point?

I sin tale specificerede Wilson 14 strategier for at sikre national sikkerhed og verdensfred. Flere punkter omhandlede specifikke territoriale spørgsmål i Europa, men de mest betydningsfulde afsnit satte tonen for efterkrigstidens amerikanske diplomati og de idealer, der ville danne rygraden i amerikansk udenrigspolitik, da nationen opnåede supermagtstatus i begyndelsen af ​​det 20. århundrede.

Wilson kunne forudse, at internationale forbindelser kun ville blive vigtigere for amerikansk sikkerhed og global handel. Han gik ind for lige handelsvilkår, våbenreduktion og national suverænitet for tidligere kolonier i Europas svækkende imperier.

Et af Wilsons formål med at holde talen til 14 punkter var at præsentere et praktisk alternativ til den traditionelle forestilling om en international magtbalance, der bevares af alliancer mellem nationer - troen på, at levedygtigheden var blevet knust af 1. verdenskrig - og til bolsjevikkerne -inspirerede drømme om verdensrevolution, der dengang var ved at vinde indpas både i og uden for Rusland.

Wilson håbede også på at beholde et konfliktfyldt Rusland i krigen på den allierede side. Denne indsats mødtes med fiasko, da bolsjevikkerne søgte fred med centralmagterne i slutningen af ​​1917, kort efter at de havde taget magten efter den russiske revolution.

På andre måder spillede Wilsons fjorten point imidlertid en væsentlig rolle i verdenspolitikken i løbet af de næste flere år. Talen blev oversat og distribueret til soldaterne og borgerne i Tyskland og Østrig-Ungarn og bidrog til deres beslutning om at gå med til en våbenhvile i november 1918.

Versailles -traktaten

Ligesom manden selv var Wilsons fjorten point liberal, demokratisk og idealistisk. Han talte i storslåede og inspirerende vendinger, men var mindre sikker på detaljerne i, hvordan hans mål ville blive nået.

På fredskonferencen i Paris måtte Wilson kæmpe med lederne af de andre sejrrige allierede nationer, der var uenige i mange af de fjorten punkter og krævede hårde straffe for Tyskland i Versailles -traktaten.

Det er vigtigt, at Wilson opfordrede til oprettelsen af ​​et internationalt styrelsesorgan af forenede nationer med det formål at garantere politisk uafhængighed og territorial integritet til både store og små lande. Hans idé fødte den kortvarige Folkeforbund. De mere levedygtige FN ville først komme til efter afslutningen på en anden ødelæggende global konflikt: Anden Verdenskrig.


Fjorten punkter - HISTORIE


Præsident Woodrow Wilson
fra brødrene Pach

Op til Wilsons tale

USA gik ind i første verdenskrig på de allieredes side den 6. april 1917. USA gik imidlertid modvilligt ind i krigen. I modsætning til mange europæiske nationer kæmpede USA ikke om territorium eller hævn for tidligere krige. Wilson ønskede, at krigens afslutning skulle skabe varig fred for verden. Han samlede en række rådgivere og fik dem til at sammensætte en plan for fred. Denne plan blev til de 14 punkter.

Formålet med de fjorten punkter

Hovedformålet med de fjorten punkter var at skitsere en strategi for afslutning af krigen. Han opstillede specifikke mål, som han ønskede at nå gennem krigen. Hvis USA skulle kæmpe i Europa, og soldater skulle miste livet, ville han fastslå, hvad de kæmpede for. Gennem denne tale og de fjorten punkter blev Wilson den eneste leder af de lande, der kæmpede i krigen for offentligt at skitsere sine krigsmål.

  1. Ikke flere hemmelige aftaler mellem lande. Diplomati skal være åbent for verden.
  2. Internationale have skal være fri til at navigere under fred og krig.
  3. Der skal være frihandel mellem de lande, der accepterer freden.
  4. Der skal foretages en verdensomspændende reduktion i våben og hære fra alle lande.
  5. Koloniale krav over land og regioner vil være rimelige.
  6. Rusland får lov til at bestemme sin egen regeringsform. Alle tyske tropper vil forlade russisk jord.
  7. Tyske tropper vil evakuere Belgien, og Belgien vil være et selvstændigt land.
  8. Frankrig vil genvinde alt territorium inklusive det omstridte land Alsace-Lorraine.
  9. Italiens grænser vil blive etableret således, at alle italienere vil være inden for Italien.
  10. Østrig-Ungarn får fortsat lov til at være et selvstændigt land.
  11. Centralmagterne vil evakuere Serbien, Montenegro og Rumænien og efterlade dem som uafhængige lande.
  12. Det tyrkiske folk i det osmanniske rige vil have deres eget land. Andre nationaliteter under det osmanniske styre vil også have sikkerhed. skal være et selvstændigt land.
  13. Der vil blive dannet en folkeforbund, der beskytter alle landes uafhængighed, uanset hvor stor eller lille.

Lederne for de andre allierede nationer, herunder David Lloyd George fra Storbritannien og Georges Clemenceau fra Frankrig, mente, at Wilson var for idealistisk. De var skeptiske over for, om disse punkter kunne opnås i den virkelige verden. Især Clemenceau i Frankrig var ikke enig i Wilsons plan for "fred uden skyld" for Tyskland. Han kæmpede for og fik hårde erstatningsstraffe mod Tyskland.

Indflydelse og resultater

Løftet om de fjorten punkter var med til at bringe tyskerne til fredssamtaler ved krigens slutning. De faktiske resultater af Versailles -traktaten var imidlertid meget hårdere mod Tyskland end de fjorten punkter. Traktaten indeholdt en "Skyldklausul", der beskyldte Tyskland for krigen, samt en enorm erstatningssum, som Tyskland skyldte de allierede. Disse forskelle blev insisteret af franskmændene, fordi deres økonomi stort set blev ødelagt af tyskerne under krigen.


Talen til kongressen

Talen, kendt som Fourteen Points, blev udviklet ud fra et sæt diplomatiske punkter af Wilson og territoriale punkter udarbejdet af Inquiry ’s generalsekretær, Walter Lippmann, og hans kolleger, Isaiah Bowman, Sidney Mezes og David Hunter Miller. Lippmanns udkast til territoriale punkter var et direkte svar på de europæiske allieredes hemmelige traktater, som Lippman blev vist af krigsminister Newton D. Baker. Lippmans opgave ifølge House var at tage de hemmelige traktater, analysere de dele, der var tålelige, og adskille dem fra dem, som vi betragtede som utålelige, og derefter udvikle en position, der indrømmede så meget til de allierede som muligt, men fjernede giften …Det hele var baseret på de hemmelige traktater. ”

I talen tog Wilson direkte fat på, hvad han opfattede som årsagerne til verdenskrigen ved at opfordre til afskaffelse af hemmelige traktater, en reduktion af bevæbning, en justering af koloniale krav i både indfødte folks og kolonisters interesser og frihed for hav. Wilson fremsatte også forslag, der ville sikre verdensfreden i fremtiden. For eksempel foreslog han fjernelse af økonomiske barrierer mellem nationer, løfte om selvbestemmelse for nationale mindretal og en verdensorganisation, der ville garantere den "politiske uafhængighed og territoriale integritet [af] store og små stater"-en liga af Nationer.

Selvom Wilsons idealisme gennemsyrer de fjorten punkter, havde han også mere praktiske mål for øje. Han håbede på at beholde Rusland i krigen ved at overbevise bolsjevikkerne om, at de ville få en bedre fred fra de allierede, at styrke den allieredes moral og undergrave tysk krigsstøtte. Adressen blev godt modtaget i USA og de allierede nationer og endda af bolsjevikiske leder Vladimir Lenin som et vartegn for oplysning i internationale forbindelser. Wilson brugte efterfølgende de fjorten punkter som grundlag for at forhandle Versailles -traktaten, der sluttede krigen.

Wilson ’s Fjorten Points: Wilson med sine 14 point, der vælger mellem konkurrerende krav. Babyer repræsenterer påstande fra englænderne, franskmændene, italienerne, polerne, russerne og fjenden. Amerikansk politisk tegneserie, 1919.


De fjorten punkter

Et resultat af oktoberrevolutionen 1 i Rusland i 1917 var at tvinge de allierede til at udsende krigserklæringer. Bolsjevikkerne handlede for at miskreditere det tidligere styre ved at offentliggøre indholdet i en række hemmelige traktater, der afslørede de åbenlyst imperialistiske mål for nogle af de europæiske magter. I begyndelsen af ​​januar 1918 udsendte både den britiske premierminister David Lloyd George og den amerikanske præsident Woodrow Wilson offentlige forklaringer på, hvad de håbede at opnå gennem en sejr over centralmagterne. Wilson modtog input fra sin nærmeste rådgiver, oberst Edward House, og en række akademikere, der blev kendt som "Undersøgelsen. " De resulterende fjorten punkter blev præsenteret i en tale for begge kongreshuse og havde til formål at generere støtte for Wilsons vision om efterkrigstidens verden, både herhjemme og også blandt allierede i Europa. Desuden håbede præsidenten, at løftet om en retfærdig fred ville blive omfavnet af befolkningerne i fjendtlige nationer og skabe momentum for at afslutte krigen. De første fem af de fjorten punkter omhandlede spørgsmål af bred international interesse. De næste otte punkter henviste til specifikke territoriale spørgsmål.

  • 1. Åbent diplomati.
    Åbne fredspagter, åbent nået frem, hvorefter der ikke skal være nogen private internationale forståelser af nogen art, men diplomati skal altid foregå ærligt og offentligt.
  • 2. Havets frihed.
    Absolut sejladsfrihed på havene, uden for territorialfarvande, både i fred og i krig, undtagen da havene helt eller delvist kan lukkes ved international handling for håndhævelse af internationale pagter.
  • 3. Fjernelse af økonomiske barrierer.
    Fjernelse af så vidt muligt alle økonomiske barrierer og etablering af ligeværdige handelsbetingelser mellem alle de nationer, der indvilliger i freden og forbinder sig til opretholdelse af den.
  • 4. Reduktion af bevæbning.
    Der er givet tilstrækkelige garantier for, at de nationale bevæbninger vil blive reduceret til det laveste punkt i overensstemmelse med den indenlandske sikkerhed.
  • 5. Justering af koloniale krav.
    En fri, fordomsfri og absolut upartisk justering af alle koloniale påstande baseret på en streng overholdelse af princippet om, at alle sådanne spørgsmål om suverænitet skal afgøres, at de berørte befolkningers interesser skal have samme vægt som de rimelige krav fra regeringen, hvis titel skal bestemmes.
  • 6. Erobrede territorier i Rusland.
    Evakuering af alt russisk territorium og en sådan løsning på alle spørgsmål, der berører Rusland, vil sikre det bedste og frieste samarbejde mellem de andre nationer i verden for at opnå en uhindret og ugeneret mulighed for uafhængig bestemmelse af hendes egen politiske udvikling og nationale politik og forsikre hende om en oprigtig velkomst i samfundet af frie nationer under institutioner efter eget valg og mere end en velkomst også bistand af enhver art, som hun måtte have brug for og måske selv ønsker. Behandlingen af ​​hendes søsternationer med Rusland i de kommende måneder vil være en syretest på deres gode vilje, deres forståelse af hendes behov adskilt fra deres egne interesser og deres intelligente og uselviske sympati.
  • 7. Bevarelse af belgisk suverænitet.
    Belgien, vil hele verden blive enige om, skal evakueres og genoprettes uden forsøg på at begrænse den suverænitet, som hun nyder til fælles med alle andre frie nationer. Ingen anden enkelt handling vil tjene, da dette vil tjene til at genoprette tilliden blandt nationerne til de love, de selv har fastsat og bestemt for regeringen i deres forhold til hinanden. Uden denne helbredende handling er hele strukturen og gyldigheden af ​​folkeretten for evigt forringet.
  • 8. Genopretning af fransk territorium.
    Alt fransk territorium bør frigøres og de invaderede dele genoprettes, og det forkerte begået af Preussen i 1871 i Alsace-Lorraine, som har forstyrret verdensfreden i næsten halvtreds år, bør rettes op, så fred kan igen sikres i alles interesse.
  • 9. Omtegning af italienske grænser.
    En omstilling af Italiens grænser bør foretages ad klart genkendelige nationaliteter.
  • 10. Division af Østrig-Ungarn.
    Folkene i Østrig-Ungarn, hvis plads blandt de nationer, vi ønsker at se beskyttet og sikret, bør have den frieste mulighed for autonom udvikling.
  • 11. Omtegning af Balkan -grænser.
    Rumænien, Serbien og Montenegro bør evakueres besatte områder restaureret Serbien gav fri og sikker adgang til havet og forbindelserne mellem de flere Balkanstater til hinanden bestemt af venlig rådgivning langs historisk etablerede troskabslinjer og nationalitet og internationale garantier for de politiske og økonomisk uafhængighed og territorial integritet for de flere Balkanstater bør indgås.
  • 12. Begrænsninger for Tyrkiet.
    De tyrkiske dele af det nuværende osmanniske imperium bør sikres en sikker suverænitet, men de andre nationaliteter, der nu er under tyrkisk styre, bør sikres en utvivlsom livssikkerhed og en absolut uanfægtet mulighed for autonom udvikling, og Dardanellerne bør åbnes permanent som en fri passage til skibe og handel i alle nationer under internationale garantier.
  • 13. Etablering af et uafhængigt Polen.
    Der bør opføres en uafhængig polsk stat, som bør omfatte territorier beboet af ubestrideligt polske befolkninger, som bør sikres en fri og sikker adgang til havet, og hvis politiske og økonomiske uafhængighed og territoriale integritet bør garanteres af international pagt. Den sidste af de fjorten punkter var et andet bredt emne og Wilson's særlige favorit:
  • 14. Nationers sammenslutning.
    En generel sammenslutning af nationer skal dannes under specifikke pagter med det formål at give gensidige garantier for politisk uafhængighed og territorial integritet til både store og små stater.
  1. Delegaterne ville ikke være forpligtet til at acceptere en bestemmelse, der garanterer havets frihed (punkt 2) - en foranstaltning, som Storbritannien kræver.
  2. Franskmændene insisterede på, at bestemmelsen, der havde at gøre med tysk evakuering fra fransk område (punkt 8), skulle fortolkes for at muliggøre opkrævning af kompensation (erstatning) for civile skader, der var påført i krigen.

Wilson 's 14 Point

Ved hjælp af politiske tegnefilm vil eleverne blive fortrolige med USA's rolle i tiden efter den anden verdenskrig.

Nødvendige materialer:

  • Udskrift af lektionsplan
  • Kopier af tegnefilm på papir og/eller gennemsigtighed.
  • Projektor
  • Kopier af 14_Points_Cartoon_Analysis_Worksheet.pdf

Forudvurdering:

Instruktionstrin:

  1. Opdel eleverne i tre aktuelle grupper. Tildel hver gruppe et af følgende emner: Stereotype, symbol eller karikatur.
  2. Distribuer kopier af tegnefilmene til hvert medlem af den aktuelle gruppe, så alle tegnefilm er i brug for hver gruppe. (eksempel: Stereotype -gruppen vil have alle tegnefilm, ligesom symbolet osv.)
  3. Distribuer tegneserieanalyseark til hver elev.
  4. Eleverne skal finde eksempler på deres tildelte emne ved hjælp af hver af de tegnefilm, der er til stede i deres gruppe, og udfylde det relevante rum på regnearket i del I. (5-10 minutter)
  5. Eleverne skal derefter arrangere sig selv i en gruppe efter deres individuelle tegneserie og dermed danne 6-8 nye grupper centreret om en bestemt tegneserie.
  6. Eleverne skal udfylde regneark del II ved hjælp af oplysninger fra andre medlemmer af deres gruppe. (5-10 minutter)
  7. Individuelle grupper præsenterer kort en analyse af deres tegneserie for klassen (Bemærk: en overhead -kopi af tegneserien fremskynder denne proces)

Eftervurdering:

Som en klasse vil eleverne besvare og diskutere resterende spørgsmål (del III) på Cartoon Analysis Worksheet.

Udvidelsesaktivitet:

Studerende vil undersøge og skrive et essay om et af følgende emner:


Den russiske borgerkrig

I kølvandet på oktoberrevolutionen var den gamle russiske kejserhær blevet demobiliseret. Den frivillige baserede røde garde var bolsjevikkernes vigtigste militære styrke, forstærket af en bevæbnet militær komponent i Cheka, det bolsjevikiske stats sikkerhedsapparat. I januar, efter betydelige vendinger i kamp, ​​stod krigskommissær Leon Trotsky i spidsen for reorganiseringen af ​​den røde garde til en arbejder- og bønderes røde hær for at skabe en mere professionel kampstyrke. Politiske kommissærer blev udpeget til hver enhed i hæren for at opretholde moral og sikre loyalitet. I juni 1918, da det blev klart, at en revolutionær hær, der udelukkende var sammensat af arbejdere, ville være alt for lille, indførte Trotskij obligatorisk værnepligt for landdistrikterne i den røde hær. Modstand fra landdistrikterne mod russiske værnepligtsenheder blev overvundet ved at tage gidsler og skyde dem, når det var nødvendigt for at tvinge til overholdelse. Tidligere tsarofficerer blev brugt som "militærspecialister" (voenspetsy) og tog undertiden deres familier som gidsel for at sikre loyalitet. I begyndelsen af ​​krigen var tre fjerdedele af den røde hærs officerskorps sammensat af tidligere tsarofficerer. Ved slutningen var 83% af alle Røde Hæres divisions- og korpschefer ex-tsariske soldater.

Ved valget til den konstituerende forsamling udgjorde bolsjevikkerne et mindretal af stemmerne og opløste det. Generelt havde de støtte primært i Sankt Petersborg og Moskva Sovjet og nogle andre industriregioner.

Mens modstanden mod den røde garde begyndte allerede den næste dag efter bolsjevikoprøret, blev Brest-Litovsk-traktaten og det politiske forbud en katalysator for dannelsen af ​​anti-bolsjevikiske grupper både i og uden for Rusland og skubbede dem i aktion mod det nye regime.

En løs sammenslutning af anti-bolsjevikiske kræfter, der er på linje med den kommunistiske regering, herunder landejere, republikanere, konservative, middelklassens borgere, reaktionære, pro-monarkister, liberale, hærgeneraler, ikke-bolsjevikiske socialister, der stadig havde klager og demokratiske reformister , frivilligt forenet kun i deres modstand mod bolsjevikisk styre. Deres militære styrker, forstærket af udenlandsk indflydelse og ledet af general Yudenich, admiral Kolchak og general Denikin, blev kendt som den hvide bevægelse (undertiden omtalt som "Den Hvide Hær"), og de kontrollerede betydelige dele af det tidligere russiske imperium for de fleste af krigen.

En ukrainsk nationalistisk bevægelse kendt som den grønne hær var aktiv i Ukraine i den tidlige del af krigen. Mere markant var fremkomsten af ​​en anarkistisk politisk og militær bevægelse kendt som Ukraines revolutionære oprørsarmé eller den anarkistiske sorte hær ledet af Nestor Makhno. Den sorte hær, der talte adskillige jøder og ukrainske bønder i dens rækker, spillede en central rolle i at standse general Denikins Hvide Hærs offensiv mod Moskva i løbet af 1919, hvorefter senere udstødte kosakkestyrker fra Krim.

De vestlige allierede udtrykte også deres forfærdelse over for bolsjevikkerne, oprørte over Ruslands tilbagetrækning fra krigsindsatsen, bekymrede sig for en mulig russisk-tysk alliance og måske vigtigst af alt galvaniseret af udsigten til, at bolsjevikkerne godtgjorde deres trusler om ikke at antage nogen ansvar for, og så standard på, kejserlige Ruslands massive udenlandske lån, den juridiske opfattelse af, at Odious gæld da var ukendt. Winston Churchill erklærede, at bolsjevismen må "kvæles i sin vugge". Derudover var der også en bekymring, der deles af mange centralmagter, om at de socialistiske revolutionære ideer ville sprede sig til Vesten. Derfor udtrykte mange af disse lande deres støtte til de hvide, men levering af tropper og forsyninger var udelukket efter Versaillies strenge begrænsninger.

Størstedelen af ​​kampene sluttede i 1920 med nederlaget for general Pyotr Wrangel på Krim, men en bemærkelsesværdig modstand i visse områder fortsatte indtil 1922 (f.eks. Den hvide bevægelses endelige modstand i Fjernøsten).

I januar invaderede sovjetiske styrker under oberstløjtnant Muraviev Ukraine og investerede Kiev, hvor Central Rada i Den Ukrainske Folkerepublik havde magten. Ved hjælp af et oprør fra russiske arbejdere i Arsenal -fabrikken i Kiev blev byen erobret af bolsjevikkerne den 26. januar. Da borgerkrigen blev en realitet, besluttede den bolsjevikiske regering at erstatte den foreløbige røde garde med en permanent kommunistisk hær. Council of People's Commissars dannede den nye hær ved dekret den 28. januar 1918, der oprindeligt baserede sin organisation på Røde Garde.

Rostov blev generobret af sovjeterne fra Don -kosakkerne den 23. februar 1918. Dagen før gik den frivillige hær i gang med den episke ismarsj til Kuban, hvor de sluttede sig til Kuban -kosakkerne for at foretage et abortivt angreb på Ekaterinodar. General Kornilov blev dræbt i kampene den 13. april, Operationel kommando overgik til General Denikin, der brugte de næste par måneder på at genopbygge sin hær. I oktober døde general Alekseev af et hjerteanfald, og general Denikin var (i teorien i hvert fald) nu den øverste politiske leder for de hvide hære i det sydlige Rusland.

Den 18. februar, da fredsforhandlingerne mellem den bolsjevikiske regering og tyskerne brød sammen, begyndte tyskerne et helt fremskridt til det indre af Rusland og mødte stort set ingen modstand i en kampagne, der varede elleve dage. På trods af masserekruttering af nye værnepligtige viste den nyoprettede Røde Hær sig ude af stand til at standse fremrykningen, og sovjeterne tilsluttede sig en straffende fredsaftale. Brest-Litovsk-traktaten (6. marts 1918), der trak Rusland ud af krigen og gav Tyskland kontrol over store strækninger af det vestlige Rusland, kom som et chok for de allierede. Briterne og franskmændene havde støttet Rusland i massiv skala med krigsmateriale og penge. Efter traktaten så det ud til at meget af det materiale ville falde i hænderne på tyskerne. Under dette påskud begyndte allieret intervention i den russiske borgerkrig med Storbritannien og Frankrig, der sendte tropper ind i russiske havne. Der var voldsomme konfrontationer med tropper loyale over for bolsjevikkerne.

I slutningen af ​​maj blev en markant eskalering af konflikten signaleret af den uventede indgriben fra den tjekkoslovakiske legion. Den tjekkiske legion havde været en del af den russiske hær og talte omkring 30.000 tropper i oktober 1917. De fleste var tidligere krigsfanger og desertører fra den østrig-ungarske hær. Legionen blev opfordret af Tomáš Masaryk og blev omdøbt til det tjekkoslovakiske hærskorps og håbet på at fortsætte kampen mod tyskerne. En aftale med den nye bolsjevikiske regering om at passere ad søvejen gennem Vladivostok (så de kunne forene sig med de tjekkoslovakiske legioner i Frankrig) kollapsede over et forsøg på at afvæbne korpset. I stedet afvæbnede deres soldater de bolsjevikiske styrker i juni 1918 i Cheliabinsk. Inden for en måned kontrollerede den tjekkoslovakiske legion det meste af den transsibiriske jernbane fra Baikal-søen til Uralbjergene. I slutningen af ​​juli havde de udvidet deres gevinster ved at erobre Ekaterinburg den 26. juli 1918. Kort før Ekaterinburgs fald (den 17. juli 1918) blev den tidligere zar og hans familie henrettet af Ural -sovjetten, angiveligt for at forhindre dem falder i hænderne på de hvide.

Mensjevikkerne og socialistisk-revolutionære støttede bondekampe mod sovjetisk kontrol med fødevareforsyninger [påkrævet]. I maj 1918 tog de med støtte fra den tjekkoslovakiske legion Samara og Saratov og oprettede komitéen for medlemmer af den konstituerende forsamling (Комуч, Komuch). I juli udvidede Komuchs myndighed sig til en stor del af det område, der blev kontrolleret af den tjekkoslovakiske legion. Komucen førte en ambivalent socialpolitik, der kombinerede demokratiske og endda socialistiske foranstaltninger, såsom indførelsen af ​​en otte timers arbejdsdag, med "genoprettende" handlinger, såsom at returnere både fabrikker og jord til deres tidligere ejere.

I juli myrdede to socialistrevolutionære og Cheka-ansatte, Blyumkin og Andreyev, den tyske ambassadør, grev Mirbach, i Moskva i et forsøg på at provokere tyskerne til at forny fjendtlighederne. Andre venstreorienterede socialistrevolutionære forsøgte at vække den røde hærs tropper mod regimet. Sovjetterne brugte militære løsrivelser fra Tjekaen og formåede at nedlægge disse lokale oprør, og Lenin undskyldte personligt tyskerne for attentatet. Massearrestationer af socialistisk-revolutionære fulgte.

Efter en række vendinger ved fronten indførte krigskommissær Trotskij stadig hårdere foranstaltninger for at forhindre uautoriserede tilbagetrækninger, desertioner eller mytterier i Den Røde Hær. I feltet fulgte de frygtede særlige undersøgelsesstyrker fra Cheka, betegnet Special Punitive Department for the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission for Combat of Counter-Revolution and Sabotage, eller Special Punitive Brigades fulgte den røde hær, der udførte feltdomstole og summariske henrettelser af soldater og betjente, der enten forlod, trak sig tilbage fra deres stillinger, eller som undlod at udvise tilstrækkelig offensiv iver. [21] [22] Brugen af ​​dødsstraf blev udvidet af Trotskij til lejlighedsvis politisk kommissær, hvis løsrivelse trak sig tilbage eller brød i ansigtet på fjenden. I august, frustreret over fortsatte rapporter om Røde Hærs tropper, der brød under ild, godkendte Trotskij dannelsen af ​​anti-tilbagetrækningsafdelinger, der var stationeret bag upålidelige Røde Hærens enheder, med ordre om at skyde alle, der trak sig tilbage fra slaglinjen uden tilladelse. [23]

Konservative og nationalistiske "regeringer" blev dannet af basjkirerne, kirgiserne og tatarerne (se staten Idel-Ural) samt en sibirisk regional regering i Omsk. I september 1918 mødtes alle de antisovjetiske regeringer i Ufa og blev enige om at danne en ny russisk foreløbig regering i Omsk, ledet af et register over fem: tre socialistrevolutionære (Nikolai Avksentiev, Boldyrev og Vladimir Zenzinov) og to Kadets, ( VA Vinogradov og PV Vologodskii).

Den nye regering blev imidlertid hurtigt påvirket af den nye krigsminister, kontreadmiral Kolchak. Den 18. november etablerede et statskup Kolchak som diktator. Medlemmerne af biblioteket blev anholdt, og Kolchak udråbte til "Ruslands øverste hersker". Kolchak var upolitisk og ikke involveret i kuppet. Han viste sig at være ineffektiv som både politisk og militær leder (hans uddannelse var alt i søkrig). Kolchak kom heller ikke overens med lederne af den tjekkoslovakiske legion, den stærkeste militære styrke i området.

For den bolsjevikiske kommunistiske regering var fremkomsten af ​​admiral Kolchak en politisk sejr, fordi den bekræftede deres modstandere som antidemokratiske reaktionærer. Efter en reorganisering af Folkets Hær erobrede Kolchaks styrker Perm og Ufa i december 1918. Men dette skulle være højvandsmærket for hans hær.

Scenen var nu indstillet til borgerkrigens centrale år. Den bolsjevikiske regering havde fast kontrol over Ruslands kerne, fra Petrograd gennem Moskva og syd til Tsaritsyn (nu Volgograd). Mod denne regering i øst havde admiral Kolchak en lille hær og havde en vis kontrol over den transsibiriske jernbane. I syd kontrollerede de hvide hære meget af Don og Ukraine. I Kaukasus havde general Denikin etableret en ny hvid hær. I det nyligt uafhængige land Estland organiserede general Yudenich en hær. Estland var åbenlyst fjendtligt over for bolsjevikkerne og havde kæmpet med dem siden november 1918. Franskmændene besatte Odessa. Briterne besatte Murmansk. Briterne og USA besatte Arkhangelsk og japanerne besatte Vladivostok. Franske styrker landede i Odessa, men efter næsten ingen kampe, trak de deres tropper tilbage den 8. april 1919.

I 1919 begyndte kosakkerne at mangle forsyninger. Da den sovjetiske modoffensiv begyndte i januar 1919 under den bolsjevikiske leder Antonov-Ovseenko, faldt kosakstyrkerne hurtigt fra hinanden. Den Røde Hær erobrede Kiev den 3. februar 1919 og ti dage senere begik general Kaledin selvmord med sin hær i kaos.

Beslutningen fra den bolsjevikiske regering om at trække de fleste Røde Hærs styrker tilbage fra Ukraine i lyset af de hvide hærs fremskridt blev mødt med afsky fra Den Røde Hærs afdelinger på Krim, der blev myrdet i juli, hvoraf de fleste sluttede sig til de anarkistiske sorte hærstyrker i Nestor Makhno, hvilket muliggjorde anarkisterne for at konsolidere deres magt i det sydlige Ukraine.

Mens krigen mellem anarkistiske sorte og tsaristiske hvide hære foregik i Ukraine, sendte Trotskij endnu en hær mod Kolchaks styrker. Denne hær, ledet af den dygtige kommandant Tukhachevsky, generobrede Ekaterinburg den 27. januar 1919 og fortsatte med at skubbe langs den transsibiriske jernbane. Begge sider havde sejre og tab, men midt på sommeren var den røde hær større end den hvide hær og havde formået at genvinde territorium, der tidligere var tabt. Med tilbagetoget af Kolchaks hvide hær trak Storbritannien og USA deres tropper ud af Murmansk og Arkhangelsk, før vinterens begyndelse fangede deres styrker i havn. Den 14. november 1919 erobrede Den Røde Hær Omsk. Admiral Kolchak mistede kontrollen over sin regering kort efter dette nederlag Hvide Hærstyrker i Sibirien ophørte i det væsentlige med at eksistere i december.

Storbritannien, Frankrig og Amerika trak sammen med andre magter deres tropper fra teatret i overensstemmelse med Versailles -traktaten, de stoppede med at give betydelig militær bistand (penge, våben, mad, ammunition og nogle militære rådgivere) til de hvide hære i løbet af 1919 . Hvide befalingsmænd anklagede de allierede nationer for at redde sig ud, mange hvide befalingsmænd følte, at de var sikret nederlag, da dette skete. Især Yudenich klagede over, at han ikke modtog støtte. Første verdenskrig havde haft stor indflydelse på mange kommandørers taktiske tankegang på begge sider af borgerkrigen, hvilket fik nogle kommandører til at bede om et større antal kanoner og tungt artilleri, end der var behov for, når de var involveret i en mobil kampagne over de russiske stepper. Men når man angreb store byområder, der var i besiddelse af Røde Hærs tropper med befolkninger, der stort set var sympatiske for den bolsjevikiske regering, var virkeligheden, at det ville tage flere tunge kanoner, tropper og/eller tid at belejre en by, end den hvide hær havde til rådighed.

I forsommeren angreb Kaukasus -hæren nordpå og forsøgte at aflaste presset på Kolchaks hær eller endda forbinde sig med den. Det er tropper, der formåede at erobre Tsaritsyn den 17. juni 1919. Trotskij reagerede på denne trussel ved at sende Tukhachevsky med en ny hær mod hæren. Kaukasus -hæren, der stod over for et større antal, blev tilintetgjort og efterlod Tsaritsyn til bolsjevikkerne.

Senere på sommeren angreb en anden kosakkestyrke Don -hæren under kommando af kosakkegeneral Mamontov til Ukraine. The Red army, even though stretched thin by fighting on all fronts, held Kiev at the battle of Kiev on September 2, 1919. Mamontov's Don Army retreated south where they were defeated by Tukhachevsky's army on October 24. Tukhachevsky's army then turned towards yet another threat, the rebuilt Volunteer Army of General Denikin. Denikin's forces constituted a real threat, and for a time threatened to reach Moscow. However, a timely intervention by the Ukrainian Anarchist Black Army led by Nestor Makhno seized several key railroad lines, cities, and munition depots along the White Army's lines of supply, defeating several White infantry regiments along the way. Alarmed by events in their homeland, Ukrainian White commanders soon forced General Denikin to shift his offensive and many of his troops to the southern front. Deprived of food, ammunition, artillery, and fresh reinforcements, Denikin's army was decisively defeated in a series of battles in October and November 1919. While the White Armies were being crushed in the center and the east, they had succeeded in driving Nestor Makhno's anarchist Black Army (formally known as the Revolutionary Insurrectionary Army of Ukraine) out of part of southern Ukraine and the Crimea. Despite this setback, Moscow was loathe to aid Makhno and the Black Army, and refused to provide arms to anarchist forces in the Ukraine. Trotsky openly discussed the hope that the two armies would destroy each other. He also ordered the withdrawal of some Red Army units from their existing positions, allowing White Cossack forces to re-enter and occupy portions of Crimea and the southern Ukraine.

In the meantime, the Red Army turned to deal with a new threat. This one came from White Army General Yudenich, who had spent the spring and summer organizing a small army in Estonia. In October 1919 he tried to capture Petrograd in a sudden assault with a force of around 20,000 men. The attack was well-executed, using night attacks and lightning cavalry maneuvers to turn the flanks of the defending Red army. Yudenich also had six British tanks that caused panic whenever they appeared. By October 19, 1919 Yudenich's troops had reached the outskirts of Petrograd. Some members of Bolshevik central committee in Moscow were willing to give up Petrograd, but Trotsky refused to accept the loss of the city and personally organized its defenses. Trotsky declared that "It is impossible for a little army of 15,000 ex-officers to master a working class capital of 700,000 inhabitants." He settled on a strategy of urban defense, proclaiming that the city would "defend itself on its own ground" that the White Army would be lost in a labyrinth of fortified streets and there "meet its grave." Trotsky armed all available workers, men and women, ordering the transfer of military forces from Moscow. Within a few weeks the Red army defending Petrograd had tripled in size and outnumbered Yudenich three to one. At this point Yudenich, short of supplies, decided to call off the siege of the city, withdrawing his army across the border to Estonia. Upon his return, his army was disarmed by order of the Estonian government, fearful of reprisals by Moscow and its Red Army War Commissar, which turned out to be well-founded. However, the Bolshevik forces pursuing Yudenich were beaten back by the Estonian army. Following the Treaty of Tartu most of Yudenich's soldiers went into exile.

The victories by the Bolsheviks over Mamontov's Cossack army at Voronezh, Yudenich at Petrograd, and Kolchak at Omsk — transformed the war. After a long struggle, the Red Army had finally triumphed over its internal enemies on the right it now turned on its allies on the left.Trotsky was hailed as a hero and genius.

In Siberia, Admiral Kolchak's army had disintegrated. He himself gave up command after the loss of Omsk and designated Semyonov as the new leader of the White Army in Siberia. Not long after this Kolchak was arrested by the disaffected Czechoslovak Corps as he traveled towards Irkutsk without the protection of the army (historian Richard Pipes thinks the French military liaison was involved in this). On 15 January Kolchak was turned over to the socialist 'Political Centre' who administered Irkutsk. Six days later this regime was replaced by a Bolshevik dominated Military-Revolutionary Committee. Kolchak was interrogated by a team consisting of one Bolshevik, one Menshevik and two SR's. Plans to put him on trial in Moscow were cancelled when the White army, now under General S.N. Voitsekhovsky approached the city from the west. Against Lenin's explicit instructions to the contrary, on 6-7 February, Kolchak and his prime minister were shot and their bodies thrown through the ice of a frozen river, just before the arrival of the White Army in the area. Fighting in Siberia continued for the next year as armed gangs—essentially bandits—roamed the land. Semyonov and his tattered band of Cossacks ultimately retreated into China.

The Czechoslovak Legion had no real interest in fighting in the Russian Civil War. They wanted to fight the German army, but with the end of World War I, that desire died. Uninspired by Kolchak (and not, in turn, trusted by him) they spent most of 1919 moving their troops east and having them shipped, boat by boat, back to Europe. The Czechoslovak Legion managed to evacuate all their forces out from Vladivostok (as had been their original plan in 1918). They were gone by April 1920.

Most of the White Armies were captured trying to evacuate during the winter-spring of 1920. The Cossack army was the only holdout his army remained an organized force in the Crimea throughout the summer of 1920. After Moscow's Bolshevik government signed a military and political alliance with Nestor Makhno and the Ukrainian anarchists, the Black Army attacked and defeated several regiments of Wrangel's troops in southern Ukraine, forcing Wrangel to retreat before he could capture that year's grain harvest. Stymied in his efforts to consolidate his hold in the Ukraine, General Wrangel then attacked north in an attempt to take advantage of recent Red Army defeats at the close of the Polish-Soviet War of 1919-1920. This offensive eventually halted by the Red Army, and Wrangel and his troops were forced to retreat to Crimea in November 1920, pursued by both Red and Black cavalry and infantry. Wrangel and the remains of his army were evacuated by the British on November 14, 1920 amidst horrific scenes of desperation and cruelty. Tens of thousands of Russians tried to escape from the Red Army, but were unable to find transport.

1921-1922

After the defeat of Wrangel, the Red Army immediately repudiated its 1920 treaty of alliance with Nestor Makhno and attacked the anarchist Black Army the campaign to liquidate Makhno and the Ukrainian anarchists began with an attempted assassination of Makhno by agents of the Cheka. Red Army attacks on anarchist forces and their sympathizers increased in ferocity throughout 1921. As War Commissar of Red Army forces, Leon Trotsky instituted mass executions of peasants in the Ukraine and other areas sympathetic to Makhno and the anarchists. Angered by continued repression by the Bolshevik Communist government and its liberal use of the Cheka to put down peasant and anarchist elements, a naval mutiny erupted at Kronstadt, followed by peasant revolts in Ukraine, Tambov, and Siberia.

The Japanese, who had plans to annex the Amur Krai of Eastern Siberia, finally pulled their troops out as the Bolshevik forces gradually asserted control over all of Siberia. On 25 October 1922 Vladivostok fell to the Red Army and the Provisional Priamur Government was extinguished. General Anatoly Pepelyayev continued armed resistance in the Ayano-Maysky District until June 1922. In central Asia, Red Army troops continued to face resistance into 1923, where basmachi (armed bands of Islamic guerrillas) had formed to fight the Bolshevik takeover. The regions of Kamchatka and Northern Sakhalin remained under Japanese occupation until their treaty with Soviet Union in 1925, when their forces were finally withdrawn.

Fred

Although the War had ended the result had been terrible but most infrastructure had survived.Ukraine and Belarus remained in the USSR.Most important of all ,Trotskys popularity had soared as had Tuckasheskys, even over Lenins.In 1923 Lenin named Trotsky his official successor despite grumbles from those like Molotov and Stalin.


Woodrow Wilson’s Fourteen Points

During World War I, President Woodrow Wilson secretly gathered academic experts to devise a plan that would both demoralize the Central Powers (Germany, Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire) and prevent future wars. After reviewing some 2,000 reports and 1,200 maps, the plan was itemized into fourteen “points.” Wilson revealed this plan before a joint session of Congress.

Goals of the Fourteen Points

The first five points addressed international relations, while the next eight addressed territorial claims. One of the underlying themes of these first thirteen points was Wilson’s notion of “national self-determination,” or granting independence to ethnic minorities within established countries. From this came many new nations, including Poland, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Albania and Croatia.

The final point called for a “league of nations” that would serve as an international policeman to arbitrate future conflicts. This was the centerpiece of Wilson’s plan, and it proved to be the most controversial point of them all.

The Fourteen Points represented Wilson’s progressive vision of what a postwar world should look like. However they did not necessarily coincide with the visions of other Allied or world leaders.

International Opposition to the Fourteen Points

British and French leaders were not impressed by Wilson’s points French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau exclaimed, “Even God Almighty has only ten!” Allied leaders were also dismayed by Wilson’s presumptiveness in dictating peace when the U.S. had not yet even been involved in the war for a full year.

In addition, Wilson’s idealistic vision of “national self-determination” proved fateful. Because the new nations of Poland, Austria and Czechoslovakia were predominantly German-speaking regions, Adolf Hitler later annexed them back into Germany, ironically citing Wilson’s principle of self-determination as justification. And other new nations such as Albania and Croatia became puppets to Allied colonialism.

Moreover, Wilson insisted that the fourteenth point (creating a League of Nations) be implemented. Allied leaders used his insistence as leverage by threatening not to join the League if Wilson did not relent on other points. As a result, many of Wilson’s points were never implemented even though the Central Powers surrendered on the premise that the peace settlement would incorporate them all. This led to future animosity between the warring nations.

American Opposition to the Fourteen Points

When the Treaty of Versailles was signed in 1919, it did not contain many of Wilson’s Fourteen Points but it did contain provisions for creating the League of Nations. Because of this, Wilson returned from the peace talks eager to persuade Americans to support the treaty. But when he returned to the U.S., Wilson found much more opposition than he had anticipated.

A two-thirds Senate majority was required to approve the treaty, and the Senate was controlled by Republicans who generally opposed the Democratic president. Rather than working with the senators on a compromise, Wilson went on a national speaking tour to convince the people to support him. However most Americans were wary of foreign entanglements after having just returned from a world war, and Wilson found little support.

Defeat of the Fourteen Points

Wilson’s refusal to compromise destroyed any chance for the Senate to ratify the Treaty of Versailles. Ironically, Wilson was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for his work on both the treaty and the League of Nations, even though the U.S. never endorsed either one. Peace was not made with Germany until a congressional resolution passed declaring the war over in 1921.

Although the Fourteen Points were devised with good intentions, they reflected a naïve worldview that was generally opposed by international leaders. Wilson’s contentious debates over the points during the peace talks created more hostility among the warring nations and indirectly led to World War II a generation later. Wilson’s idealistic internationalism has since served as a model for “idealists” to emulate and “realists” to condemn.


The U.S. in the War

The United States did not enter World War I until April 1917 but its list of grievances against warring Europe dated back to 1915. That year, a German submarine (or U-Boat) sank the British luxury steamer, Lusitania, which carried 128 Americans. Germany had already been violating American neutral rights the United States, as a neutral in the war, wanted to trade with all belligerents. Germany saw any American trade with an entente power as helping their enemies. Great Britain and France also saw American trade that way, but they did not unleash submarine attacks on American shipping.

In early 1917, British intelligence intercepted a message from German Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmerman to Mexico. The message invited Mexico to join the war on the side of Germany. Once involved, Mexico was to ignite war in the American southwest that would keep U.S. troops occupied and out of Europe. Once Germany had won the European war, it would then help Mexico retrieve land it had lost to the United States in the Mexican War, 1846-48.

The so-called Zimmerman Telegram was the last straw. The United States quickly declared war against Germany and its allies.

American troops did not arrive in France in any large numbers until late 1917. However, there were enough on hand to stop a German offensive in Spring 1918. That fall, Americans led an allied offensive that flanked the German front in France, severing the German army's supply lines back to Germany.

Germany had no choice but to call for a cease-fire. The armistice went into effect at 11 a.m., on the 11th day of the 11th month of 1918.


The Fourteen Points

KILDE Supplements to the Messages and the Papers of the Presidents Covering the Second Administration of Woodrow Wilson. January 18, 1918.

INTRODUKTION World War I was to be the "war to end all wars." To that end, in January 1917, before the United States entered the war, President Woodrow Wilson called for a peace that would remove the causes of future wars and create a League of Nations to help maintain peace. In January 1918 he articulated his "Fourteen Points," which were meant to serve as the basis for a peace agreement. The intention was to reduce the will of the Germans and their allies to continue the fight by suggesting an agreement that would guarantee national independence and self-determination for all combatants. This excerpt includes his six general points, and, as can be seen, Wilson calls for the removal of trade barriers. His eight specific points call for the restoration of Belgium goodwill toward the Russians, who were in the midst of their revolution an independent Poland the handover of Alsace-Lorraine to France and self-determination for the individual states in the Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires.

In October 1918 the German chancellor wrote to Wilson requesting an immediate armistice and negotiations based on the Fourteen Points. Wilson led the U.S. delegation to the peace conference, which began in January 1919. Ultimately, the terms of the Treaty of Versailles were harsher than those Wilson had suggested. Wilson made a number of compromises, but he won more of his points than he lost. The British entered a reservation concerning Wilson's second point, and both the British and the French demanded reparations for the damage to civilian property. Wilson was unable to deliver peace on the exact terms under which Germany had agreed to cease fire, and the Germans later noted that they felt "betrayed." With the revival of isolationism in the United States, the requisite two-thirds vote for ratification of the treaty could not be obtained in the Senate, so in 1921 the United States signed a separate peace treaty with Germany. Under the Treaty of Versailles the League of Nations was created, but the United States was never a member. ∎

It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. . .

We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The programme of the world's peace, therefore, is our programme and that programme, the only possible programme, as we see it, is this:

I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined. . .

XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike.


History I.A. Wilson's 14 Points

To what extent does Wilson’s fourth point in the fourteen points represent the American Government’s principles from 1914 – 1920?

Date: Wednesday 4th April, 2012

Part A (Plan of Investigation)

Wilson’s fourteen points was a speech delivered by Woodrow Wilson (president of America from 1913 – 1921) which later turned into the basis upon which the treaty of Versailles was made. His series of points outlined what the post-war era would be like. Wilson’s points were meant to stop another war from happening and were very lenient towards the Germans, who were defeated in World War 1. It is therefore important to consider to what extent does Wilson’s fourth point in the fourteen points represent the American government’s principles from 1914 – 1920?

Fourth point: Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

When investigating this topic certain aspects must be considered. These include how much support Wilson had received for his fourteen points, whether or not Americans wanted to harshly punish Germany and if the government was willing to fight wars. This investigation will be conducted by using online, written and primary sources including Paris 1919 by Margaret Macmillan, The First World War by Hew Strachan and Woodrow Wilson: World Statesman by Kendrick A. Clements.

Part B (Summary of Evidence)

How much support Wilson had received for his fourteen points

• Wilson had effectively called for a Monroe doctrine of the world and in this he represented the conscience of the American people.[1]

• WW1 was largely caused in part by a pre-war ammunitions race[2]

• Wilson brought the idea of self-determination (rights and liberties of small nations) to Europe[3]

• The treaty of Versailles was based on Wilsons fourteen points

• Republicans who made up a majority in the senate generally disagreed with the points[4]

• Most Americans were wary of foreign entanglements and Wilson found little support.[5]

• European allies owed $7 billion to the American government[6]

• The idea of American exceptionalism pervaded in the US – Americans being eager to set the world to rights and ready to turn its back in contempt if its message is ignored[7]

• Wilson took no republican party advisors with him to the Paris peace conference[8]

• A poll by Literary Digest showed overwhelming support among editors of newspapers and magazines for Wilson’s fourteen points.[9]

• The fourteen points expressed the long term interests of western nations[10]

Whether or not Americans wanted to harshly punish Germany.

• Resulting from the treaty of Versailles Germany had to :

1. Withdraw its frontiers.[11]
2. Relinquish 25000 machine guns, 1700 airplanes, 5000 artillery pieces and 3,000 trench mortars. [12] 3. Demilitarize the Rhine.[13]

• France and Great Britain wanted Germany to pay extensive reparations.[14] • A German U-boat had sunk a ship (Lusitania) containing 128 Americans in 1915.[15] • The Zimmerman telegram was a message from the Germans to Mexicans telling them to incite war in southern America.[16] • Wilson concerned about Americans wanting the annihilation of Germany[17] • Wilson was under political pressure to impose absolute surrender on the Germans.[18]

If the government was willing to fight wars

• America had not gone into WW1 for territory or revenge.[19]

• America did not enter WW1 until April 1917.[20]

• America had gone to war against Spain and Mexico.[21]

• The American public had grown weary of domestic and international crusades.[22]

• Republicans believed that if the US were to join an association it should be with other democracies, not with a league which threatened to draw the country into a never-ending war.[23]

Part C (Evaluation of Sources)

Paris 1919 by Margaret Macmillan

Margaret Macmillan is a professor and historian at the University of Oxford who has done extensive research on the British Empire from the nineteenth century to the twentieth century. She is known for works such as Woman of the Raj and The Uneasy Century and has published the book Paris 1919 in 2001. This document was written as a historical narrative, specifically to give insight into the events that happened in the 6 months leading up to the Paris Peace conference. As such it is particularly valuable since many years of both primary and secondary research have been done, and the narrative shows the thoughts of President Wilson in the moment and leading up to the Paris Peace conference. Since this investigation is looking at the extent to which Wilson’s fourth point represents the government it is important to have a source showing the thoughts of the leader of that government. Although, this source is limited in that it focuses mainly on the Big Three, not other countries having anything to do with Wilson’s fourteen points and it focuses too much on a small time period of 6 months giving very little information beyond that.

Woodrow Wilson: World Statesman by Kendrick A. Clements

Kendrick Clements published his book Woodrow Wilson: World Statesman in 1987. Clements is currently a professor of history at the University of South Carolina and has done environmental and diplomatic research on American history. He has also published works such as William Jennings and Missionary Isolationist and wrote this biography in order to show the details of Woodrow Wilson’s life. As a biography it contains interesting information about President Wilson and his fourteen points and this source is particularly effective for this investigation since it portrays Wilson’s actions and gives reasons as to why he acted in these ways. This source also gives balance to the investigation by bringing forth an American point of view as compared to a British/Canadian perspective by Margaret MacMillan. It is however limited in that it does not provide much perspective besides this and tends to go into too much detail about seemingly unimportant matters.

-----------------------
[1] Elihu Root, “Elihu Root, Speech”, 4th March, 2012
[2] Streich, Michael. American [email protected] December 15th 2010. Suite 101. March 5th 2012 < http://michael-streich.suite101.com/woodrow-wilsons-fourteen-points-a84500> [3] Margaret Macmillan, PARIS 1919 (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001), 9 [4]Coffey, Walter. American [email protected] December 15th 2010. Suite 101. March 5th 2012 < http://walter-coffey.suite101.com/woodrow-wilsons-fourteen-points-a297569 [5] Ibid

[6] Margaret Macmillan, PARIS 1919 (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001), 10. [7] Ibid, 14
[8] J. Perry Leavell,Jr. Wilson, World leaders past and present (America: Chelsea House Publishers, 1987),88. [9] Ibid, 93.
[10] Kendrick A. Clements, Woodrow Wilson, world statesman (Chicago: G.K. Hall, 1987), 212. [11] Hew Strachan, THE FIRST WORLD WAR (New York: Penguin Group inc., 2003), 326 - 327 [12] Ibid
[13] Ibid

[14] “Lesson 4: Fighting for Peace: The Fate of Wilson's Fourteen Points,” EDSITEment, 4th March, 2012

[15] Jones, Steve. US foreign policy. New York Times Company, March 5th 2012 [16] Ibid
[17] Kendrick A. Clements, Woodrow Wilson, world statesman (Chicago: G.K. Hall, 1987), 192. [18] Ibid
[19] Margaret Macmillan, PARIS 1919, (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001), 9. [20] [21] Jones, Steve. US foreign policy. New York Times Company, March 5th 2012 [22] Ibid, 10 - 11

[23] “Lesson 4: Fighting for Peace: The Fate of Wilson's Fourteen Points,” EDSITEment, 4th March, 2012

[24] Margaret Macmillan, PARIS 1919, (New York: Random House, Inc., 2001),152.


Fourteen Points - HISTORY

Fourteen Points of Quaid-i-Azam

In order to counter the proposals made in the Nehru Report, Jinnah presented his proposal in the form of Fourteen Points, insisting that no scheme for the future constitution of the government of India will be satisfactory to the Muslims until and unless stipulations were made to safe guard their interests. The following points were presented by the Quaid to defend the rights of the Muslims of the sub-continent:

  1. The form of the future constitution should be federal, with the residuary powers to be vested in the provinces.
  2. A uniform measure of autonomy shall be granted to all provinces.
  3. All legislatures in the country and other elected bodies shall be constituted on the definite principle of adequate and effective representation of minorities in every province without reducing the majority in any province to a minority or even equality.
  4. In the Central Legislature, Muslim representation shall not be less than one third.
  5. Representation of communal groups shall continue to be by separate electorates: provided that it shall be open to any community, at any time, to abandon its separate electorate in favor of joint electorate.
  6. Any territorial redistribution that might at any time be necessary shall not in anyway affect the Muslim majority in the Punjab, Bengal and the NWFP.
  7. Full religious liberty i.e. liberty of belief, worship, and observance, propaganda, association, and education, shall be guaranteed to all communities.
  8. No bill or resolution or any part thereof shall be passed in any legislature or any other elected body if three fourths of the members of any community in that particular body oppose such a bill, resolution or part thereof on the ground that it would be injurious to that community or in the alternative, such other method is devised as may be found feasible practicable to deal with such cases.
  9. Sind should be separated from the Bombay Presidency.
  10. Reforms should be introduced in the NWFP and Balochistan on the same footing as in other provinces.
  11. Provision should be made in the Constitution giving Muslims an adequate share along with the other Indians in all the services of the State and in local self-governing bodies, having due regard to the requirements of efficiency.
  12. The Constitution should embody adequate safeguards for the protection of Muslim culture and for the protection and promotion of Muslim education, language, religion and personal laws and Muslim charitable institutions and for their due share in the grants-in-aid given by the State and by local self-governing bodies.
  13. No cabinet, either Central or Provincial, should be formed without there being a proportion of at least one-third Muslim ministers.
  14. No change shall be made in the Constitution by the Central Legislature except with the concurrence of the States constituting the Indian Federation.

Muslim League made it clear that no constitutional solution will be acceptable to them unless and until it en cooperates the fourteen points.


Se videoen: Septiņas stundas ceļu policijas automašīnā: noķerts dzērājšoferis un ātrumpārkāpēji (Oktober 2021).